The EU has adopted Council Implementing Regulation (EU) 2021/584 and Council Implementing Decision (CFSP) 2021/585, which designate 8 officials and 3 prisons under the EU’s sanctions regime concerning serious human rights abuses in Iran. They have been listed over their roles in the “violent response” to demonstrations held in Iran in November 2019, which caused the deaths, injury to, or unjust detention of unarmed protesters and civilians. See press release.
The officials are: Gholamreza Soleimani (Head of the Basij Organisation of the IRGC); Hossein Salami (Commander in Chief of the IRHC); Hassan Karami (Commander of the Special Units of the Iranian police force); Mohammad Pakpour (Commander in Chief of the IRGC Ground Forces); Hossein Ashtari (Commander in Chief of the Iranian police force); Gholamreza Ziaei (Former Director of Evin Prison); Hassan Shahvarpour (IRGC Commander of Khuzestan Province); and Leyla Vaseghi (Governor of Shahr-e Qods). All are US-listed with the exception of Mr Karami and Ms Vaseghi.
Evin Prison, Fashafouyeh Prison and Rajaee Shahr Prison have also been listed.
In addition, the EU has renewed the Iran human rights sanctions regime for 1 year until 13 April 2022. These measures impose an asset freeze and travel ban on a total of 89 people and 4 entities, and prohibit exports to Iran of equipment which might be used for internal repression or to monitor telecommunications.
BRUSSELS/PARIS (Reuters) – The European Union is set to agree to sanction several Iranian individuals on Wednesday for human rights abuses, the first such measures since 2013, three EU diplomats said.
FILE PHOTO: The Iranian flag waves in front of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) headquarters, before the beginning of a board of governors meeting, in Vienna, Austria, March 1, 2021. REUTERS/Lisi Niesner/File Photo
EU envoys are expected to agree to impose travel bans and asset freezes on the individuals, the diplomats said, and their names would be published next week, when the sanctions take effect. They gave no further details.
The European Union declined to comment.
Like the United States, the European Union has an array of sanctions over human rights since 2011 on more than 80 Iranian individuals which has been renewed annually every April. Those will also be renewed on Wednesday, the three diplomats said.
Asked why the latest measures were being taken now, one of the diplomats said the EU was seeking to take a tougher stance to uphold human rights. This month, the EU sanctioned 11 people from countries including China, North Korea, Libya and Russia.
“Those responsible for serious rights violations must know there are consequences,” an EU diplomat said.
The United Nations has regularly complained that Iran arrests political opponents in a clampdown on freedom of expression. On March 9, U.N. special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran, Javaid Rehman, presented a report documenting Iran’s high death penalty rate, executions of juveniles, the use torture to coerce confessions and the lawful marriage of girls as young as 10 years old.
Iran has repeatedly rejected accusations by the West of human rights abuses. Iranian officials were not immediately available for comment.
Despite the human rights situation, no Iranians have been added to that list since 2013, however, as the bloc has shied away from angering Iran in the hope of safeguarding a nuclear accord Tehran signed with world powers in 2015.
The three diplomats said the sanctions were not linked to efforts to revive the nuclear deal, which the United States pulled out of but now seeks to re-join. That deal made it harder for Iran to amass the fissile material needed for a nuclear bomb – a goal it has long denied – in return for sanctions relief.
The EU revoked its broader set of economic and financial sanctions on Iran in 2016 after the nuclear deal was struck, although it did impose sanctions on an Iranian intelligence unit and two of its staff in 2019, alleging Tehran plotted attacks in Denmark, France and the Netherlands. Iran rejects the accusations.
In a rare move last September, France, Britain and Germany summoned Iran’s envoys to admonish them over their country’s human rights record in what France’s foreign ministry said were “serious and constant violations.”
The three European countries had pushed for sanctions over Iran’s missile programme and its involvement in Syria in March 2018, when Britain was still a member of the EU.
But other EU governments feared it could also upset European firms’ chances of winning lucrative contracts in Iran as the country tried to open up after decades of isolation.
Additional reporting by Parisa Hafezi; Writing by Robin Emmott, Editing by William Maclean
Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.
GENEVA (8 March 2021) – Women and girls continue to be treated as second class citizens in Iran, a UN expert says in a report to the Human Rights Council, citing domestic violence, thousands of marriages of girls aged between 10 and 14 each year and continuing entrenched discrimination in law and practice.
“One of the most concerning issues in Iran today when it comes to the rights of women and girls is the issue of child marriage,” Javaid Rehman, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, said in the report to be presented to the 47-member body on 9 March.
“The Government and other leaders in the country must raise the marriage age now and introduce further policies and programmes to reduce this practice in the country.”
By law, a girl as young as 13 years can marry, while girls even younger can legally marry with judicial and paternal consent. In the first half of the current Iranian calendar year, over 16,000 girls aged between 10 and 14 years have married, according to official Government figures.
“The current legal marriage age is simply unacceptable. It is clear that child marriage is harmful for the development and well-being of girls, including in terms of education, employment and to live free of violence. While I note previous attempts to amend the law, pressure must now be brought to raise the marriage age, in line with Iran’s obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child,” Rehman said.
The report also highlighted serious concerns regarding domestic violence. Some positive steps are noted, such as a law against acid attacks, but the Special Rapporteur pressed the Iranian Government to do more.
“Existing protections against violence are insufficient to comprehensively safeguard women and children. I acknowledge that the anti-violence bill before parliament provides some positive measures, but as my report details, it does not go far enough. I urge for further improvements to the bill before it is enforced and to extend support services for women and children who experience domestic violence,” Rehman said.
While finding some progress, such as in education and citizenship rights, his report details how gender discrimination permeates almost all areas of law and practice, treating Iranian women as second-class citizens. He has provided the Government with recommendations to ameliorate these issues, including ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Iran is one of only a few states not to have signed the Convention.
“Blatant discrimination exists in Iranian law and practice that must change. In several areas of their lives, including in marriage, divorce, employment, and culture, Iranian women are either restricted or need permission from their husbands or paternal guardians, depriving them of their autonomy and human dignity. These constructs are completely unacceptable and must be reformed now,” he said.
The Special Rapporteur also called on the Government to implement concrete measures to end the culture of impunity for serious human rights violations and to hold those responsible for violations accountable. Rehman specifically raised the Government’s failure to properly investigate the security forces’ bloody crackdown on the November 2019 protests, which killed over 300 people. He remained concerned at the high death penalty rate, especially the execution of child offenders, and those executed in relation to protests and freedom of expression, such as Navid Afkari and Ruhollah Zam, as well as reports of the widespread use of torture to extract forced confessions.
Rehman raised his concerns that sanctions have hindered Iran’s response to COVID-19. He echoed calls by the Secretary-General and High Commissioner for Human Rights for States to at least ease sanctions in support of the fight against COVID-19. However, the Rapporteur said that the Government’s opaque and inadequate Coronavirus response had resulted in excess deaths, including those of medical professionals working without sufficient protective equipment.
He also underlined deep concerns that arbitrarily detained human rights defenders, journalists, labour rights activists, dual and foreign nationals and lawyers continue to be imprisoned despite the COVID-19 risks. State targeting of these individuals for exercising fundamental freedoms also continues, including Yasaman Aryani, Monireh Arabshahi and Mojgan Keshavarz, who are imprisoned for protesting against compulsory veiling laws on International Women’s Day 2019, and other women human rights defenders, like Nasrin Sotoudeh, Atena Daemi and Golrokh Iraee.
The Special Rapporteur repeated his dismay at human rights violations perpetrated against Iran’s religious, ethnic and sexual minorities. Since his report was finalized, further disturbing incidents against Iran’s minorities have emerged, including more than 20 executions of Baluch death row prisoners, the suspicious death of imprisoned Gonabadi Dervish follower Behnam Mahjoubi, excessive use of force against protesters in Sistan and Baluchistan province, the detention of over 100 Kurdish activists, and house raids and land confiscations against members of the Baha’i faith.
The Special Rapporteur is scheduled to present his report to the Human Rights Council in an interactive dialogue on 9 March 2021. The interactive dialogue will be live on UN Web TV. An unofficial Farsi translation of the report is also available.
Javaid Rehman is a Professor of International Human Rights Law and Muslim Constitutionalism at Brunel University, London. Mr Rehman teaches human rights law and Islamic law and continues to publish extensively in the subjects of international human rights law, Islamic law and constitutional practices of Muslim majority States. Several of his published works have been translated into various languages. As a human rights lawyer, Mr Rehman has also provided legal opinions in various high-profile cases in a number of jurisdictions.
The Special Rapporteurs are part of what is known as the Special Procedures of the Human Rights Council. Special Procedures, the largest body of independent experts in the UN Human Rights system, is the general name of the Council’s independent fact-finding and monitoring mechanisms that address either specific country situations or thematic issues in all parts of the world. Special Procedures experts work on a voluntary basis; they are not UN staff and do not receive a salary for their work. They are independent from any government or organization and serve in their individual capacity.
Iran, February 20, 2021—On Wednesday, Iranian authorities executed seven prisoners in Gohardasht prison, Karaj. Among the executed prisoners was a 42-year-old mother of two. On Monday, February 15, the regime carried out two other executions in Birjand. Two days earlier, a prisoner was hanged in Meshginshahr. Therefore, in only five days, the Iranian regime has executed at least ten prisoners across Iran. It is worth noting that the regime carries out many executions in secret, and the real number of executions might be much higher. According to reports obtained from inside Iran, many prisoners have been transferred to solitary confinement in preparation of their execution.
One might ask, why would the regime further exacerbate an already-tenuous situation for millions of Iranians who are faced with poverty, unemployment, unpaid wages, skyrocketing prices, and rampant inflation. The people already have much to deal with. Why add to their suffering with a sudden spike in executions?
The reason is that, in fact, the regime already knows that Iran’s society is in a state of turmoil and on the verge of explosion. Instead of responding to the just demands of the people, it aims to further intimidate the public and prevent the eruption of nationwide protests by ratcheting up its repressive measures. Signs of this strategy have been seen as the regime has increased executions, arrests and persecution of political activists, and public display of force and violence by its security forces.
At the same time, the regime is faced with growing international pressure to address human rights conditions in Iran. But it knows that if it stops torture and executions for a single day, it will be swept away by the millions of angry Iranians whose rage it has only kept in check through sheer brutality. That is why by ramping up executions, the regime is sending a signal to the international community that this is a red line it is not willing to cross.
The regime’s dependence of violence can be seen in remarks made by its officials and analysts.
During a convention of the Provincial Judiciary Council on December 28, judiciary chief Ebrahim Raisi called on judges to be “political” in their decision-making and to “have an evaluation of the situation,” to “understand the necessities of the society,” and to give verdicts that “are proportionate to the situation.” And the example he gave the judges was the regime’s slain terror master Qassem Soleimani, whom he described as “being very able in knowing the situation and understanding the needs.”
Therefore, in stark contrast to all the known and respected principles that call for the separation of judicial processes from political considerations, Raisi clearly instructed judges to give their verdicts based on the political needs of the regime.
Even more outrageous than Raisi’s remarks were those of Qassem Rezai, the deputy chief of the State Security Forces, who openly told his subordinate commanders, “If you arrest someone in a clash and I see him standing here healthy and sound, you’ll have a lot to answer for.” Rezai’s comments were aired on national television on January 1.
The necessities and conditions that Raisi referred to in his remarks are being amply discussed by analysts on state-run media these days.
On February 14, the state-run Mardom Salari daily reported that the “food poverty line per individual” has reached 6.7 million rials and warned, “If the economic situation doesn’t change and continues to worsen, we will problems in the society… and these problems will gradually turn into chaos and will engulf all classes of the society.” By chaos, Mardom Salari was referring to widespread protests such as the November 2019 nationwide uprising, which brought the regime to its knees and on the verge of collapse.
On February 15, the government-run Iran newspaper reported that inflation is destroying the lives of the low-income and middle classes of the society and warned, “This trend is polarizing the society, and the results, such as insecurity and riots, will encompass everyone in the society.”
These are just two examples of the many warnings by the regime’s own officials that Iran is on the verge of another revolution and the people are fed up with the regime. Therefore, the sudden increase in executions is the regime’s temporary response to the explosive state of the society. Plagues by corruption, the ruling mullahs don’t have an answer to the problems of the people. At the same time, they know that the deterioration of the economic conditions will only increase the likelihood of another round of nationwide protests happening soon. Therefore, their only answer is to further intimidate the public by ratcheting up executions and violence. But they also know that by doing so, they will further increase public hatred of their rule. Therefore, they are caught in an impasse that will, sooner or later, result in their ultimate downfall.
One of the longest detained political prisoners in Iran is suffering from severe and painful burns on his neck and back after being suddenly covered in boiling water whilst taking a shower, but the prison authorities refused to take him to the hospital, which has led to the infection of the blisters.
Gholam-Hossein Kalbi, 61, who has now spent 21 years in prison, was arrested in January 2000 in Dezful. He was held in solitary confinement for 14 months in Ahvaz’s Ministry of Intelligence building and subject to brutal torture before being sentenced to life in prison in 2002 and moved to Ward 209 of Evin Prison.
Kalbi, who is currently held in Sheiban Prison in Ahvaz, is also suffering from a variety of health complaints, including severe infections in his gums and both ears, alongside hearing loss in one ear.
We urged the United Nations and all human rights defenders to take immediate action to ensure that Kalbi receives medical treatment for his burns and illnesses outside or prison, stating that the denial of necessary medical care indicates “the intentional nature of the incident designed to torture him”.
The Iranian authorities must immediately halt the execution of Javid Dehghan, a member of Iran’s disadvantaged Baluchi
ethnic minority, scheduled to take place in less than 48 hours on 30 January 2021, Amnesty International said in a
statement today. Highlighting a shocking catalogue of fair trial violations throughout the investigation, trial and appeal
stages, the organization urged the Iranian authorities to quash the death sentence of the 31-year-old man and grant his
lawyer’s request for a fair retrial.
Javid Dehghan, held in the central prison in Zahedan, Sistan and Baluchestan province, Iran, was sentenced to death for
“enmity against God” (moharebeh) in May 2017 in connection with his alleged membership in an armed group and
alleged involvement in an armed ambush that killed two Revolutionary Guards agents, following a grossly unfair trial
before Branch 1 of the Revolutionary Court in Zahedan. In convicting and sentencing Javid Dehghan to death, the court
relied on torture-tainted “confessions” and ignored the serious due process abuses committed by Revolutionary Guards
agents and prosecution authorities during the investigation process.
According to information obtained by Amnesty International from two informed sources, following his arrest in Iranshahr,
Sistan and Baluchestan province, on 5 June 2015, the authorities concealed Javid Dehghan’s fate and whereabouts from
his family for three months, thereby subjecting him and his family to the international crime of enforced disappearance.
During this period, his anxious family went to various hospitals, prisons and police stations and reached out to numerous
intelligence, prosecution and judicial officials in Iranshahr to obtain information about him, but the authorities did not give
them any information and denied that he was in state custody.
The first time that Javid Dehghan’s family heard from him was three months after his arrest when he called them briefly to
tell them that he was in a general ward in Zahedan prison, and it emerged that prior to that, he had been held in solitary
confinement in an undisclosed detention facility run by the Revolutionary Guards. For the next 12 or 13 months, he was
periodically taken back and forth between Zahedan prison and an undisclosed detention facility where he has said he was
held in solitary confinement and subjected to torture and other ill-treatment. The first time that he was allowed a visit with
his family was around a week after he called them from Zahedan prison.
According to information obtained by Amnesty International, methods of torture described by Javid Dehghan included
beatings, floggings, pulling out at least one of his thumb’s nails and stripping him naked.
During his trial, Javid Dehghan told the court that while held in solitary confinement, Revolutionary Guards agents
repeatedly tortured him to “confess” that he was a member of an armed Jihadist group, Jaish ul-Adl, and that he had
fatally shot two Revolutionary Guards agents during an ambush on 9 April 2015. Amnesty International understands that
Javid Dehghan “confessed” under duress that he was a member of the armed group, but never accepted that he was in
possession of weapons and involved in the fatal ambush. His persistent refusal to “confess” to these aspects of the case
opened against him resulted in him languishing in solitary confinement for months.
The authorities’ evidence against Javid Dehghan ultimately consisted primarily of the torture-tainted incriminating
statements that the Revolutionary Guards agents obtained both from him regarding his alleged membership in Jaish ulAdl, which he later retracted in court, and five co-defendants regarding his alleged involvement in plotting and carrying
out the 2015 ambush. No investigation is known to have been carried out into the coercive circumstances, including the
allegations of torture and other ill-treatment, through which these incriminating statements were extracted.
Amnesty International’s research shows that Javid Dehghan’s right, under both international law and Iranian law, to have
a meaningful review of his conviction and sentence by a higher court has also been violated. Based on information,
including documentary evidence, obtained by the organization, on 29 July 2017 the Supreme Court stated in a ruling
Amnesty International Public Statement
consisting of only a few lines that it had not received an appeal submission from Javid Dehghan and was not, therefore,
under an obligation to examine the case. This is while the information recorded in Javid Dehghan’s casefile indicates that
he had requested an appeal after he had been informed of his death sentence in May 2017. It is not clear to Amnesty
International if Javid Dehghan’s court-appointed lawyer had submitted a detailed appeal for him that subsequently went
missing, or that the lawyer had failed to submit a detailed request in the first place.
In either case, given the litany of due process abuses committed during the investigation process and ignored at the trial
stage without an investigation, the Supreme Court had a duty to review substantively, both on the basis of sufficiency of
the evidence and of the law, the conviction and sentence and ensure that a conviction and sentence following violations of
the accused’s rights to a fair trial do not become final.
Amnesty International is concerned that the Supreme Court also rejected a subsequent judicial review request submitted
by Javid Dehghan’s new lawyer in December 2020, which documented the major flaws marring the judicial process
leading to Javid Dehghan’s conviction and death sentence.
Javid Dehghan’s lawyer was formally informed on 25 January 2021 that the Supreme Court had denied the judicial review
request. His lawyer reported on his Twitter account that he was planning to submit a second request next week but, on 28
January 2021, he learned that the authorities have scheduled the execution of Javid Dehghan for 30 January 2021 and
called his family to go to prison for their last visit.
Amnesty International has received information indicating that the Revolutionary Guards have been exercising undue
influence over the prosecution and judicial authorities to carry out Javid Dehghan’s execution, despite an urgent need for
a fair and impartial review of his case.
Under international law, the imposition of the death penalty following an unfair trial constitutes an arbitrary deprivation of
the right to life and violates the prohibition of inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Amnesty International urges the Iranian authorities not to compound the shocking catalogue of human rights violations
already committed against Javid Dehghan by carrying out his execution. All plans to execute him must be immediately
halted and he must be granted a fair retrial.
Amnesty International opposes the death penalty in all cases without exception regardless of the nature of the crime, the
characteristics of the offender, or the method used by the state to kill the prisoner. The death penalty is a violation of the
right to life and the ultimate cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment.
It is unclear whether the Islamic Republic authorities forced Hosseini to confess to a crime he did not commit.
By BENJAMIN WEINTHAL JANUARY 25, 2021 19:57Email Twitter Facebook fb-messenger
Old rope with hangman’s noose (illustrative).
The Iranian regime’s lethal assaults on decorated Iranian athletes continued unabated, with the execution of a second champion wrestler on Monday.
The Jerusalem Post reported two weeks ago that the execution of wrestler Mehdi Ali Hosseini was imminent. He is from Andimeshk in the province of Khuzestan, and was arrested in 2015 and charged with pre-meditated murder, supposedly committed during a group fight.
It is unclear whether the Islamic Republic authorities forced Hosseini to confess to a crime he did not commit.
Mariam Memarsadeghi, an Iranian-American expert on human rights, told the Post that the “[Iranian regime’s Supreme Leader Ali] Khamenei and his henchmen want to numb everyone to their repression. By executing more and more in spite of global outrage, they hope to show the Iranian people and the Free World that they are powerless.”
She added that “But it’s the regime that lacks real power. Force alone is its only means to survive but not for long; the Iranian people are more than ever refusing any prospect but a nonviolent overthrowing [of the regime].”
Sardar Pashaei, the renowned Greco-Roman Iranian wrestler world champion, tweeted in Persian: “Mehdi Ali Hosseini, a young wrestler from Andimeshk, was executed. Here is Iran, Land of death, rope and bullets …”
Pashaei has urged the International Olympics Committee (IOC) to ban Iran’s regime from sports competition due to the regime’s human rights violations.
On the third anniversary of the nationwide protests of December 2017 and January 2018, Amnesty International renews
its calls for justice for the dozens of protesters, including children, who were killed by Iran’s security forces across the
country, and their bereaved families. The organization also stands in solidarity with those seeking truth and accountability
for the thousands of protesters who were arbitrarily detained, those who suffered torture or other ill-treatment in detention,
those who died in custody in suspicious circumstances and those who were subsequently sentenced to death or executed
following grossly unfair trials.
Three years on from the deadly crackdown, the Iranian authorities have refused to open even a single criminal
investigation into the litany of crimes and human rights violations committed by Iran’s security forces both during the
protests and in their aftermath, including unlawful killings, enforced disappearances, torture and other ill-treatment, and
grossly unfair trials leading to the execution of at least one protester and death sentences for several others.
Instead, consistent with longstanding patterns of state cover-up and denial, the authorities have subjected victims’
families to intimidation and harassment to prevent them from speaking out. They have also issued false statements and
propaganda videos to deny or distort the truth about the extensive unlawful use of live ammunition by security forces
against protesters who did not pose an imminent threat of death or serious injury, and to falsely attribute responsibility for
the protest killings to armed “rioters” working for the “enemies” of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The spokesperson of the judiciary stated on 14 January 2018 that 25 individuals had been killed during the protests, but
the organization believes that the real number may be higher.
The prevailing impunity afforded to the security forces and the muted response of the international community has only
emboldened the Iranian authorities to escalate their unlawful use of lethal force in the subsequent mass protests of
November 2019, resulting in hundreds of deaths.
The aftermath of the deadly crackdown of December 2017 and January 2018 also involved an increasing use of the death
penalty as a weapon of political repression. At least one protester, Mostafa Salehi, was executed in August 2020 in
connection with the protests and five others remain at risk of execution including Mohammad Bastami, Mehdi Salehi,
Hadi Kiani, Abbas Mohammadi and Majid Nazari. In an unprecedented development in recent decades, the authorities
also executed dissident journalist Rouhollah Zam in December 2020 in connection with his popular news channel
AmadNews, which they blamed for stirring up the protests of December 2017 and January 2018.
The authorities’ cycle of bloodshed in Iran must not be allowed to continue.
It falls on the international community to pressure the Iranian authorities to stop the recurrent pattern of using lethal force
to crush protests, including by the UN Human Rights Council establishing an independent international investigation into
the protests of November 2019 when the crackdown reached an unprecedented level since the 1980s.
Between late December 2017 and mid-January 2018, thousands of people in over 100 cities across Iran took to the
streets to speak out against poverty, corruption, political repression and authoritarianism. At the time, Iran had not seen
protests on this scale since those which followed the disputed presidential election of 2009.
Iran, January 7, 2021—On Monday, January 5, the staff and nurses of hospitals in different cities of the country, including Khuzestan, Isfahan, Yazd and Karaj, gathered in their workplaces, seeking answers for their pending demands.
Nurses in Khuzestan province, southwest Iran, held a rally in front of the governor’s office, demanding their delayed paychecks and an increase in their salaries. In Isfahan province, health department staff also held a rally demanding a change in their job status.
Nurses and contract employees of the Yazd Medical Sciences University also gathered in front of the MP’s office, protesting the change in their employment status and discrimination in the payment of salaries and job benefits.
Also, a group of employees of Khomeini Hospital in the city of Karaj, northwest Tehran, gathered in front of the Alborz Governor’s Office protesting unpaid salaries.
During the rally, they chanted slogans such as “enough with the promises, our tables are empty,” and they demanded their demands be fully met.
Strike by Faryab mine workers in Kerman province
On Tuesday, January 5, workers of the Faryab mine in Kerman province went on strike for the fourth consecutive day, protesting the officials’ refusal to pay their wages demanding the implementation of the job classification plan.
Workers at the Faryab chromite mine in Kerman province have been on strike since Sunday, protesting their several-month delayed paychecks in 2019 and their unclear contract status in 2020.
According to the protesting workers, they do not have proper work suits, contracts and paychecks, and any protest in this mine will be answered by deduction of salary or dismissal.
Lorestan agro-industrial contract workers continue their protest
Lorestan agro-industrial contract workers continue their protest
On Tuesday, a group of workers in the Lorestan Agro-Industrial Complex Company held a protest rally for the second consecutive day, demanding a change in their job contracts to direct contract.
These workers held a similar rally on January 3, stopping working for several hours and gathering in the compound’s yard. They are seeking answers to their demands by company officials.
“We have been pursuing the change in our job status for several years and we have been demanding our legal claims from the company, but so far no official has been held accountable,” the protesting workers said.
Protest rally by workers of the Navid Zar Chimi in the port of Mahshahr, Khuzestan province
A group of workers of the Navid Zar Chimi Company in the city of Mahshahr, gathered in front of the company building on Tuesday, protesting their delayed paychecks.
The protesters, who had previously gone on strike, say that in addition to not paying their salaries for several months, the company’s executives are refusing to grant special zone privileges to employees because the company is private.
The protesting workers added that when a job bonus is approved by the Ministry of Oil, they are classified as non-oil workers, and when a job bonus is announced by Social Security organization, they are classified as Oil Ministry workers.
The workers say the protests will continue in the coming days until their demands are met.
The cry of hungry workers and retirees in the city of Shadegan, Khuzestan province, southeast Iran
A group of families of workers and retirees who have gone below the poverty line due to high prices and inflation, held a protest rally on Wednesday, January 6, holding placards reading “Cry of hungry workers retirees.”
“The officials who are sitting there are and only thinking about themselves and their children! So, when did you care about us? Aren’t we Muslims? You who claim to be Muslims, why don’t you care about these children whose parents do not even have the money to buy dry milk for them?” said one of the women participating in the rally to the officials.
Iran, December 24, 2020—The majority of Iran’s population live in poverty. Among the struggling communities are the retirees, whose income after 30 years of hard work is at one fifth of Iran’s poverty line, valued at about 100 million rials (approx. $380). The situation has led to constant protests in various provinces.
In the past weeks, communities of pensioners have organized demonstrations against poverty and discrimination in Tehran, East Azarbaijan, Isfahan, Alborz, Ilam, Razavi Khorasan, North Khorasan, Khuzestan, Zanjan, Gilan, Lorestan, Central Province, Hamedan, and Yazd. They protest their wages being incomparable to current government employees. According to state laws, the difference between the wages of employees and retirees shouldn’t be higher than 15 percent. But today, the gap stands at above 50 percent.
Some state-run media, including the daily Hamdeli, warned of a possible nationwide protest.
“Many social riots after the revolution began in these areas,” wrote the paper on December 13, adding, “We are cutting corners in sectors that have previously hurt us. The January 2018 protests started by those who were concerned about their daily livelihoods.”
The retirees are not the only segment of the society being hit by economic problems that have been exacerbated by the coronavirus crisis. In recent weeks, in Tehran and other major cities, the protests of various classes in the society continue against the regime’s mismanagement and inhuman policies. But due to the regime’s repressive measures and censorship, it is not possible to gather all the information. However, the considerable number of protest rallies in the past month indicates the extent and depth of dissent across the society.
Shadegan water and sewage workers, poultry owners, farmers, nurses, contractors, private sector drivers, bus drivers, nomads, and Ahvaz urban train workers were among communities that have protested in recent months.
Also, people living in regions hit by seasonal floods protested the regime’s inaction and negligence toward their situation. The regime’s inhuman delay in providing any support has imposed poverty, misery, and oppression on these people.
In their slogans, the protesters targeted regime’s officials as the main sources of their problems. The flood victims in Khomeini Port occupied the municipality. In another protest movement, political prisoners went on hunger strike in different prisons.
A bankrupt economy, skyrocketing prices, and the looting of people’s wealth by the regime have impacted the lives of millions of Iranians. The people struggle for the most basic needs. All these protests are to realize the most basic wages, much of which remain unpaid by the regime.